Showing posts with label Ethnography. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ethnography. Show all posts

Sunday, August 12, 2012

PEOPLE IN CONTEXT J. Cowan’s Dance and the Body Politic in Northern Greece

These are ruminations based on the excerpt provided in Ch. 02 of Blasco & Wardle's How to Read Ethnography

A sweet reward with many names -- I’ve considered myself a coffee lover since I was nine, and I say that I am fortunate to live in both a time and place which permits me to indulge in how I like my coffee.. A warm gesture, in the United States a symbol of hospitality and a necessity, in Italy eclectic being both lifeblood and a dessert, while in northern Greece (a 90s) political potable flavored with the issue of Space.

Understanding Sohosian gender relations through the institutional character of the ‘Kafeteria’. What readers today are revisiting is a classic favorite from the issue of consumer politics, that is the gender role assignment affixed in particular commodities. In Cowan’s account, this had occurred on two levels: first in the typical, edible commodities themselves, and second is space which can be discussed as an (abstract) commodity. It may also be contended that the second carries geopolitical overtones.

The labeling of foods as either ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’ in accordance to flavors and or food group isn’t an original or an exclusive practice to cultures in northern Greece. It has been mentioned in Cowan’s scribing that desserts or sweets are identified to be something that women would be inclined to indulge in as it illustrates some sense of sociability. Men on the other hand identified more with stronger tasting, or pungent smelling food. This is perhaps tied to the belief that consuming such food would add character to manhood.

In old times, coffee has been given a manly façade in the United States with its days promoting Yuban through television advertisements across the nation picturing mustached cowboys drinking down the fix. The Yuban advertisement had seemed to set the standard, as it seems unthinkable to picture these cowboys let alone ‘manly men’ drinking.. tea? There was that notion of a cup with an energetic personality, a jolt, activeness, alertness and agility --- traits easily associated with the male character. What is also interesting of vintage coffee is how the brands of the founding products were either male or unisex, but never female. Most exemplary of this is bay area’s pride, Hills Bros. from 1878.
Returning to Cowan, although the kafeteria is renowned to serve coffee, it doesn’t necessarily restrict the menu to it. Customers are free to order other liquid refreshments. Further, Grecian culture did not necessarily hint that coffee was a drink for men. A coffeehouse would also differ from a tavern in many respects from style to substance. It is then of particular fascination to ask why of all public spaces had the kafeterie been branded as a male-territory institution. On the one end, it is a curious point to identify who had influenced or how Grecian society had become oriented with the idea of the coffeehouse. This consideration plays a great role in determining the origins of branding. Or has it all been summed down, bluntly to say that women have no legitimate place in public hang outs?

Demonstrations of diversity. The idea of Diversity plays a role in the structure of Cowan’s argument in the sense that it has an intimate relationship with the concept of ‘institution’ – it gives a scope and matter for the rules and protocols to revolve around. Structure-wise, it paints the reader a picture using the five-W’s and the occasional ‘H’. But delving deeper into the argument, there, are presented the actors who may partake in the coffeehouse sub-culture, and the conditions that they must abide to. There is the politics of exclusivity, particularly the presence of an abstract authority which powers over practice.
It was observable that the question of ‘who’ was immediately tied to the additional condition of age. These twin aspects assist in the subtle hinting of who may freely explore which kafeteria territory.
One shop, though regarded as a male space for most parts of the day, predominantly caters to the highschool patrons of both genders. Socialization is freely practiced and without brows raised, save for disagreement in debates. It is however unclear whether female consumers are looked on with the same degree of theoretical disdain as that of solo, female coffeehouse goers in the second and third example Kafeteries. The latter two discussed are hangouts of the youth and men and their prime. These two are more concrete examples as regards the element of the time of day as Cowan further mentions that female patrons came and left these kafeteries, always in group/s during the afternoon, but never alone. Aside from the additional condition of a single civil status, a supposed comfort in numbers does not necessarily grant them much security against popular male opinion and appreciated or unappreciated glances.
Different roles and forms of agencies. Cowan’s observations from that particular site visit would orient her readers with five perspectives she quaintly dubs as ‘voices’ representing actors from across the spectrum: conservative, to balanced, and lastly liberal.
Beginning with Stellios, he represents one of the traditional notions that women only have a singular motive in their visit/s to the kafeterie-- that is anticipation for the possibility for sexual congress. He insists that there is such attraction to the place, hinted to the idea that all things forbidden or taboo are automatically, naturally irresistible. But in a more particular focus on Stellios, Cowan mainly highlights a dialogue about his wife, where in quoting lines he contends that she is dissatisfied with her personal life. In agency, Stellios is recognized to have power and influence over his wife for the apparent reason that he is a husband who adheres to traditional values. Though having asked her if she wanted to attend the event, he may not necessarily be giving her a sense of free will. Depending on interpretation, he may be playing the devil’s advocate. He may also represent the social actor that sparks the possibility for debate if not an instrument to coach out reactions from others, to which he was successful in doing, seen in Amalia’s rebuttal. In the case of the wife of Stellios, once again it is reminded that she was quoted in her absence. Had she been there with her husband, it is highly unlikely that she would assert anything beyond the dominant ideology because she considers harmony with him as her sole genuine interest. 

Cowan could not be any more precise about her description of the married female voice as ‘tongue-tied’ and ‘ambivalent’.. There is no way in telling what she is really thinking, but as human nature would have it, no matter how much she will deny for each chance she will always have masked a conscious fascination.
This is the case with most married women in Sohos, where there is the fear of the consequences of admitting or asserting and most crucially, pursuing interests. Those who did not conform await the possibility at disruption of a supposed harmonious balance in the home – where there is the obedience of
the wife in return for protection, respect and everything else that a great husband deemed by Grecian culture could provide. The natural culprits are gossip, mockery and censure, which may then bring about verbal and/or physical retaliation from the husband. But perhaps what would be considered the worst offshoot would be its effect on the family as a unit. If permitted to speculate, granted that there is a female child there is the distinct possibility that she will be labeled throughout her most crucial years in development and socialization as a determined flirt just like her mother. And her daughter may not be excused either. In consideration of this, it’s not solely the home-strife that the married woman fears, but the idea of having failed at her duty of upholding the public image of family unity. For these women, the structure always wins.

Examples of personalities comprising the middle-point of the spectrum are presented in the accounts of Anna and her Gk. Jane Doe companion. As married women they share the same predicament but differ from the most females of mainstream society because they are permitted a certain degree of
autonomy by their spouses who were sincerely nudging them at participation or experience of public social life. These spouses are apparently more liberal-minded compared to those previously discussed, perhaps believing that women should be allowed their share of leisure. Though experiencing slight lenience from their husbands, they are still not excluded from examination through the societal lens. In this instance, it may be said that they are half-assertive – as they may choose to carry out a certain course of action, but not fully owning up to their choice out of residual fear of (disobeying tradition).
The fifth voice comprising of Soula and Amalia represent the opposite extreme. As girls, single no doubt, they have a greater degree of autonomy in comparison to others located on the spectrum. What accounts for this is the level of tolerance Grecian society grants, but this does not make the presence of girls in the kafeterie uncontroversial. Amalia is observed to be the most frank and animated character compared to Soula in the dialogues, much reminiscent of Elizabeth Bennett from Austin’s Pride and Prejudice. Her free attitude towards speech, if general Grecian society would examine it, would be forgivable for the meantime as it is suggested that her thoughts be corrected if not, she is to keep them to herself once she is married (This insight, once again, if speculation is permitted). Both Soula and Amalia share a liberal (once compared to 90s Grecian society) conceptualization of what the female character should be – a non conformist, one who asserts and pursues her own varied interests without the need to mind the issue of reputation, and also, the renovation of the image of the woman ‘as subject and notobject’. Soula and Amalia are interpreted to be as social actors advancing for change. 

Their cause orientation enables them to potentially be competent active agents compared to those situated in the ‘balanced’ segment of the spectrum because they have most of what is required for mobilization. First, they have an assessment of the present situation, second, a prescription, and third, for now (considering the length of the excerpt) an assertive attitude. In recognition of the presence of these two characters, they have subconsciously taken the first step by intelligently setting a trend. They bring their perspective with them to the debated grounds, and by enjoying themselves while keeping their presence simple they have introduced a variation of artful protest.

LINKING HER-STORY TO HISTORY A Reading of Shostak's Nisa: The Life of a !Kung Woman [Part II of II]

THEMES AND THEORIES or DECODING THE NISA RENDERING

The role of the woman in !Kung society and some Feminist considerations. !Kung culture is matrilineal and matriarchal as it is believed by the people that the women possess powers and abilities that men cannot emulate or compare to. They are builders of a !Kung nation, and the role of the father is not regarded as necessarily biological, but social. There is the issue of the fascination in the breasts as they are seen as the lifesource for infants. How is it that blood can turn into milk?
 
Shostak was correct in some instances in her postulate that the !Kung may be praised for their exemplary practice of gender equality which to some extent rivals that of the western world. The !Kung does recognize the significance and value of socialization to children beginning with orienting them to roles through various toys (ex. Toy bows and arrows for the boys) [Ch.03]. However, this is not necessarily to limit some male activities to males only. There have been stories of female !Kung who do not depend on their men to hunt. But the notion of a female hunting still manages to raise a few brows given that she is married. Men on the other hand, although they have the primary duty of hunting, have the liberty to gather especially during times when the hunt is unsuccessful. In terms of intelligence and ability, men are not threatened nor will they necessarily challenge the skill of the women. There are men of the !Kung population who would not mind marrying a woman whose intellectual capacity exceeds their own, as they believe that they may learn from their wives. It is an amiable admission. Further, personal talents and attributes are expressed during the point of the woman’s maturity. If she is strong, intelligent, and inclined to leadership, she is also likely to exert a substantial influence on group life. Strong women in the village serve as role models.
 
But as to defining the !Kung concept of true successful womanhood, there is nothing compelling: To sit in front of your hut, pound mongongo nuts, cook meat in your fire, feed your older children and nurse your youngest, talk and laugh with visiting relatives, play music and participate in a trance dance, sit alone with your husband after everyone has left, after your children are comfortably asleep – that is the way a woman’s life should be [Ch. 05 p. 159]. 

This is one illustration of the political economic predicament that women face all over the globe --- there will never be the wide-spread consciousness that will separate women from domestic labor. She will always be bound or identified with it [Ch. 08]. 

A successful childbirth is what makes a !Kung woman complete, accomplishing full womanhood. Under a functionalist lens, producing offspring is a means of assurance in the continued reception of loving attention and a strategy in the stabilization of marriage. Unlike in the western world which views the process as an emergency situation where life has to be delivered without the compromise of the other life, the !Kung look at childbirth as a ritual, and considering the absence of hospitals and the conventions of science, there is the turn to hamanism in the (artificial) belief that circumstances can be controlled. What is of particular interest in the meld of the magic with the religious aspects is the definition and explanation of what would constitute an uncomplicated delivery compared to a difficult delivery. The characteristics of the former are a combination of ritualistic properties and a childbearing philosophy which is based on religion. The latter has much more to identify with the cognitive than the symbolic. To speak of the ritual, the tying of medical string around the mother’s chest so as to assist for a speedy delivery or in other cases the trance dance in the event of complications are classifiable as Geertzian examples of symbolic anthropology. As for the philosophy, pregnant women are instructed to control their coping reactions to the pain. They are informed that crying and screaming is an illustration of unpreparedness, and that their deity will take the child. For a classic functionalist analysis, perhaps the reason behind this instruction has to do with the training of the woman to develop a stronger pain threshold considering its equation with maturity. A !Kung woman must learn to be patient and know how to endure pain as it is a duty to successfully produce offspring.
 

What is quite curious is how Nisa contemplated on the option of going to the white people and have the mouth of the stomach opened [ch.08, p. 173] so as to avoid the pains of childbirth. It has been stated in the account scribed by Shostak that the !kung have no hospitals or know-how of the procedures available in scientific-minded countries. Given this case, how would have Nisa known about the Caesarian Section?
 

A strong pillar of (full) !Kung womanhood is the duty and obligation in the willful participation in sexual congress. Sexual knowledge is a legacy !Kung women have from their sex play during childhood [ch.06]. Of fascination is how the idea of virginity is not present in !kung culture. This could be the explanation behind why the females experience trauma during the first attempt at intercourse. With the men being unfamiliar with the physiological details of virginity they would tend to rush and hurt their partners.
 

What is of interest to note is how they do not have the concept of marital rape in their !kung counterpart. Nisa had been warned before by Tashay that if she refuses to give herself to him the succeeding night, he would have to take her by force [Ch. 06]. 

Relevance of the mother-daughter relationship [Ch.01, Ch.08]. Western convention says that the promise and the bond between a mother and her daughter is always written in blood. There is the tendency to think that Nisa may have purposively left out some details in telling the story about how Chuko was willing to kill Nisa’s younger brother so Nisa may continue to nurse. The rationale behind this action was not explained, leaving the fragment confusing for some readers.

Child rearing techniques [Ch.02]. It has been interpreted that in attempts of reducing if not ridding completely sibling rivalry, the previous child is given a duty to care for his or her younger sibling. The importance of the strategic positioning of the child at the mother’s waist is also observed, the purpose being that the child may be accessible to other children in the family.

On the political economy of marriage [ch. 05-06]. Marriage for the !Kung society functioned more as a limb of political economic comforts than for the idea of companionship. The husband becomes a provider for both his family and his wife’s family, there is the expansion of the parents social world, and ensures each family access to the resources and village life of he others in times of scarcity.
 
Co-subscriptions to religion, magic/metaphysics, and shamanism [ch. 03, 08, 09, 13, 14]. In place of a scientific approach to healing is magic, rituals and shamanism via the Trance Dance. The descriptions provided in Nisa’s account fit Shirokogoroff’s formal definition of the shaman as the master of spirits and the interaction with them, in the making of contact and the breaking of contact. These characters believe they play a role, they are recognized and integral in their culture for the community. In this description, the shaman’s body is seen as a symbol. Shamans in Nisa’s history are responsible for negotiation with spirits in the healing of the sick. It is believed that failed negotiations result in the death of the patient.
 
To put a scientific explanation on the mystique, scholars may insist that claimed visions may be due to drug use, an effect of hallucinogens. Another possible reason is the cultivation of the imaginative faculties. A more clinical answer would be that the person who claims to ‘hear’ or interact with spirits may be suffering from schizophrenia.
 
Religion co-exists with magic in !Kung culture. There is the recognition of two main Gods --- the greater which is the creator, and the lesser who is identified as the destroyer. 

The !Kung as a generally non competitive society [ch. 03, 04]. During the process that a child is raised with !kung consciousness, they are being taught not to compete beginning with the playing of games which does not establish winners or losers. !Kung adults also actively avoid competition and the ranking of individuals into hierarchies. There is the cultural constraint on the drawing of sharp differences among people --- there could be the awareness of talent
exercised by a person, but it would be considered bad manners to recognize or call these into attention [ch. 04]. 

What is similar to this are the rules regarding expected modesty of all
successful hunters: The problem for the truly accomplished hunter, gatherer, (or anyone who is gifted) is to perform as well as possible without provoking envy or anger in others. This strain ay be decreased by the custom of sharing arrows which helps to diffuse responsibility for the kill. In addition, a less successful hunter may feel imbued with power when using a more successful hunter’s arrows, and this may give him the confidence to succeed… the alternation of hunting with long periods of inactivity so others have the opportunity to be praised is encouraged [ch. 03, p. 77]. The encouragement on the part of this culture to maintain the status quo is illustrative of structural-functionalist habits.

On the issue of change [ch. 10]. Shostak discussed that the Tswana and Herero were foreign agricultural peoples, and their settlements were probably tolerated as it was easier to accommodate than to fight. From a Geoanthropological perspective, in terms of cultural influence, they provided a comparison to the permanent versus the nomadic bush life. But their settlement posed geopolitical threats to the !Kung people. They were strategically positioned nearest to the key water resources, which were later contaminated by the watering cattle and goats. The concentration of animals and their droppings, and gourds of fresh and cultured milk had brought swarms of flies ushering in venereal disease and other human diseases. The cattle also denuded the region of grass, roots, berries and other wild plants. The only, but not necessarily reliable option was to render services to the Tswana and Herero for milk or other goodies.

LINKING HER-STORY TO HISTORY A Reading of Shostak's Nisa: The Life of a !Kung Woman [Part I of II]

I N T R O D U C T I O N
Upon first getting a feel of the virtual folio on my finger tips, I instinctively glanced over the cover art. I found there the picture of a woman who would no doubt be the subject of the discourse. I could not help but approach the image with side comments concerning stereotype. Shostak’s intellectual roots were founded in Literature, and this may be deducible to some -- One thing I’ve learned from observation in many classes I’ve sat in is that details of presentation in any of these forms bear the apparent to even the slightest tint of the creator’s affiliations even if he or she tries to mask them under a theme to be discussed. Shostak is indeed a Literature major not just because I have some familiarity with her curriculum vitae but through seeing that she had chosen an artwork which produced a direct apparent link to her subject --- an African-Ethnic layout, theme and font, not to mention color schemes which screams ‘Africa!’ to some extent. Many authors have attempted to add a creative authenticity to their work through satisfying the visual appetite. Not that I’m entirely against the choice of her manner of presentation, but it would have been much more impressive if Shostak had thought more outside the box on such a design. It would have done justice to the personality of Nisa as a !Kung woman who differed among those of her time. This I can say boldly, but all in the name of
a good flowing argument, I shall discuss that in full later.
 
NISA was the first ethnography typically assigned for rudimentary level reading, and I could clearly understand why. The meta-narrative provides an implied advice. One reason why Shostak’s work is regarded as one of the anthropological classics or must reads is that it indirectly teaches the ethics of the conduct of research and approach of the subjects. Shostak posed and addressed in the introduction the questions that every ethnographer mulls over. With the consciousness that she wasn’t just observing a culture, her dilemma was looking at how she is contributing to the culture negatively if she yields in to the pressure – would it be advisable that she give respondents something in exchange for information? This reinforces the idea of an interviewed people which would consider themselves abused if not paid in some way, which would lead to their refusal at participation without compensation for time and efforts.
 
The idea of the anthropologist visiting a certain peoples for study is not something new for the !Kung. In fact, their reaction to observers is, I interpreted, as impressive to some extent. If permitted to ruminate, readers would remember the scene in the introduction where Kxoma and Tuma recommended that the Shostaks would set up camp where the Howells and other anthropologists were situated during the previous four years. This suggestion can be examined in three ways:
        (1) An extension beyond Blasco and Wardle’s concept of ethnography as 
          discourse between anthropologist past argumentical sense and into   
          an intimate connection. The Shostaks have their minds and hearts set 
          on contributing to the yet growing body of knowledge on the !Kung,     
          and so as to be able to have similar or better luck situate themselves 
          in a studious historical venue.       
       (2) On the part of the !Kung, it could have meant an illustration of         
           comfort or caution of the presence of other people.         
        3) The !Kung may also have had a sense of geopolitical orientations 
            where the setting up
            of camp at a location previously occupied by anthropologists also   
            denotes the visit of another anthropologist who bears the promise of 
            stuff 

The question these answers address has to do with the question of space in terms of what and whose interest it serves. The latter two are interpreted as a strategy that is based on classical conditioning as the !Kung people have been, after all, aloof of the existence of others, or so it had been said. 

This discussion of NISA is double tiered: First, to be able to determine why the focus is on the subject with the said name. Secondly, to examine the elements of the themes and relate them to anthropological theories when applicable. Shostak may not have been an anthropologist, but upon stepping into anthropological territory, she has had some unstated but implied inclinations.
 
WHO IS NISA?
 
Nisa may perhaps be considered as an intellectual in her time and place, having exhibited five of Gardner’s ranges of intelligence. Of primary attention is her Linguistic intelligence with her competency in syntax, semantics, and oral communication. It was her key skill that is storytelling had caught the attention of Shostak. Storytelling has been a part of humanity since people were able to communicate and respond to the basic biological urge to explain, educate, and enlighten. But very few are gifted in this ability to successfully convey.
 
Stories pass on historical, cultural, and moral information, and provide an escape and relief from the everyday struggle to survive [Brix: 2010]. But Nisa’s story is in the non-traditional form of storytelling. In the assumption of the role as storyteller, she may have known that the series of interviews were intended for use in a study, but she addresses the task with this storyteller instinct that is to answer the impulse to teach and impart values and wisdom. This is interpreted to be the case since she has adopted Shostak as her niece, and read from that winning line I am an old woman and know about things, because whenever I hear people talking, I listen [Ch.03, p.100].
 
The subject matter of her stories comprise of her illustrations of intrapersonal intelligence with an emphasis of how she is aware of her emotions and the implications of showing them in the interactions of being a !Kung woman (a sense of interpersonal intelligence). The !Kung permit the varied expressions of these.
 
Ruminating on the idea of Nisa’s hunger, it was tempting to adapt the French vista, Nisa’s appetite for food is equated with her appetite for life. Her fondness of bush food and springhare and other natural goodies may debatably be an illustration of naturalistic intelligence to some extent. This is paired with her life-long sensitivity and capacity to tackle deep questions about !Kung female and male relations and existence. To entertain inquiries that pose what it is to be. This enables her to become resilient. It is amusing to note how her resilience manifests in the variations of a perennial line We lived and lived [ch. 03, 06]; We just continued to live [ch.09, 10, 12]; and we just lived on [ch. 03]; and just living [ch. 03, 05,15]; we just lived, lived, and
lived
[ch.03]; after that, we just lived… [ch.06]

In some basic comparison with her companions, Nisa is considered to be a more feisty one, as she exercises her agency whenever she pleases. The question is really on whether this demonstration is successful or not. On the notion of success, it doesn’t solely have to do with the accomplishment of the short-term objective (as in the case of ch. 06 Nisa running away as a repetitive protest to the pre and the existing union with Tashay) but also the connection the act has to the main goal (for instance to terminate the marriage with Tashay). Readers will learn how this exercise of agency is most of the times something that is half done. A successful agency is the accomplishment of the short-term objective and the main goal (exemplified in the history of the terminated union with Besa)
.